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Conference
2008 Safe
Internet Use
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Highlights
of previous SSBA conferences :-
2007 Developing a
Parent Council and Encouraging Parental Involvement
2006 The Way Forward
for Parental Involvement
2005 Parents in
Partnership
2003 Partnerships and
responsibilities
2002 SSBA is fit for
the future
2001 Roadshow
2000 International
and published book
available here online
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Conference 2000South Africa
Parents as Partners in Decision
Making:
The South African Experience
Introduction
Prior to
1994 the South African education system was organised
along racial lines and the practice of parent involvement
in decision making at school level differed accordingly.
In most schools serving the white community, statutory
parent bodies were established which had a wide range of
decision making powers. In schools attended by black
learners, only a few members of parent bodies could be
elected by parents; the majority were government
appointees. The lack of accountability of these bodies to
the communities they were supposed to serve, allowed them
to "... trample over grass-roots opinion"
(Hyslop 1989).
Education
Provision and School Governing Bodies After 1994
Following
the 1994 democratic elections, a non-racial education
system based on the principle of equity was instituted.
To accommodate this, a national Department of Education
and nine provincial departments of education were
established. In addition, the rights of parents to be
involved in school governance were acknowledged in the South
African Schools Act (Republic of South Africa (RSA)
1996a). In accordance with this Act the professional
management of public schools is to be undertaken by the
principal, while governance is to be vested in its
governing body.
Subject to
the South African Schools Act (1996a) the
membership of governing bodies should comprise elected
members, the principal and coopted members. Elected
members should comprise parents of learners in the
school, educators and other staff members at the school,
and learners in the eighth grade or higher in secondary
schools. In all cases the number of parents must be in
the majority. Of equal importance, given the South
African context, is the fact that parent is
broadly defined and includes a person who is the
learners guardian, or is legally entitled to
custody of the learner, or who has undertaken to fulfil
the obligations of a parent or guardian towards the
learners education (RSA 1996a).
In
accordance with the South African Schools Act (RSA
1996a) the School Governing Body (SGB) must, among
others, fulfil the following functions:
develop
the mission statement of the school;
adopt
a code of conduct for learners of the school
after consultation with the learners, parents and
educators of the school;
determine
the admission policy and language policy of the
school, within the framework laid down in the National
Education Policy Act (1996b) and the South
African Schools Act (1996a), and any other
applicable provincial law;
after
a fair hearing, suspend learners from attending
the school as a correctional measure for a period
not exceeding one week;
recommend
to the head of department the appointment of
teaching (and other) staff at the school;
supplement
the resources supplied by the state in order to
improve the quality of education provided to all
learners of the school. To do this parents may be
asked to pay school fees. The amount must be
agreed upon by the majority of parents, and such
funds must be administered by the governing body.
The governing body must also prepare a budget
each year which shows the estimated income and
expenditure of the school for the following year.
Although
this list does not include the full range of
responsibilities of governing bodies, it illustrates
sufficiently the pivotal role of the school governing
body and the indispensable link it forms between the
school and the community it serves. However, in
disadvantaged communities, many parents have had no prior
experience of school governance and do initially require
training. Capacity building programmes for governing
bodies are therefore necessary, and the state has
determined that these are to be provided out of funds
appropriated for this purpose by provincial legislature.
Thus, by virtue of the Act as well as the capacity
building initiatives, the state hopes to build a
framework for the governance of schools characterised by
a sharing of power among parents, teachers and the
community in a way that will support the core values of
democracy (Van Wyk 1998). However, the implementation of
these ideals remains a challenge, for crucial to the
governments quest to transform education in South
Africa has been the question of how to shape the new from
the old. As Pendlebury (1998:333) warns: "Neither
policy nor practice is ever written on a clean
slate." Another issue of concern for government is
that policies are developed and implemented within the
context of particular sets of values, pressures and
constraints. Because of these factors, much can go amiss
between conceptualisation of a policy, its formulation
and implementation. With this in mind research was
undertaken to determine whether school governing bodies,
particularly those in previously disadvantaged
communities, are functioning as envisaged by the policy
makers.
The
Research Methodology
Data was
gathered by examining relevant documents, and by
interviewing a small sample of parents, teachers and
school principals in selected township schools. Documents
reviewed include: policy documents of the central
government, provincial laws and regulations dealing with
school governing bodies, as well as training manuals for
governing bodies. Statistics dealing with school
resources, and reports dealing with economic and social
variables of different communities were also studied.
Semi-structured interviews with parents, teachers and
principals selected by purposeful sampling techniques
explore the perceptions of the role players of parent
involvement in decision making at school level. Data was
analysed according to the procedures typical of
qualitative research.
Factors
Influencing the Implementation of School Governing Bodies
in South Africa
International
research highlights the difficulty of using state policy
to change what happens in schools. Mandated change, even
when it is positive, often fails because it ignores the
culture and context of the schools where change is meant
to occur (Motala & Mundadi 1999). This is one of the
reasons why the efficient and effective functioning of
school governing bodies varies greatly between schools
and school districts in South Africa. Factors
contributing to this include the following.
The
school environment
South
African schools still bear testimony to unequal
education provision among the different racial groups
in the past. The extent of the problem is illustrated
in the report of the School Register of Needs
Survey (SRNS) (Human Science Research
Council1997) which provides a frightening picture of
neglect and deprivation in the South African
education system. The most striking feature is that
of inequality. While privileged and reasonably
well-resourced schools exist, the vast majority of
children continue to be educated in conditions of
extreme neglect. For example, one in four schools in
South Africa has no water within walking distance and
11% get their water from dams and rivers. Less than
half have electricity (43%), at least 13% of schools
have no toilets, and nearly half have pit-latrines.
About 2 000 schools buildings are in need of serious
repair, while an acute shortage of classrooms exists,
with three to four teachers sharing one classroom, in
at least three provinces. Clearly, poor physical
conditions in many schools have a negative impact on
morale and confidence in the school. This often
overshadows any initiatives aimed at improving the
partnership between the school and the community. One
teacher, for example, expressed the opinion that
school governing body members should be more
concerned with improving the school buildings and
thus the conditions under which they were teaching,
than with the education that was being provided.
Current
estimates suggest that redressing the problems
outlined by the SRNS would require an annual 3-4%
increase on the existing 37 billion Rand national
education budget for a period of about ten years
(Motala 1997:5). This is an amount the country can
ill afford. It is, therefore, often left to the
parent community to contribute funds to address
problems in schools. Consequently, many governing
bodies, set up explicitly with the aim of improving
the quality of education provision, have increasingly
been placed in a fund-raising role (Motala &
Mungadi 1999). Moreover, the burden of establishing,
exempting and retrieving school fees is particularly
difficult for governing bodies without the requisite
expertise and skills. Most governing bodies require
extensive training in financial and administrative
management. However, interviews with governing body
members show that this has not taken place, and
financial management was listed as an area in which
they need considerable assistance. When reviewing the
training manuals on financial management developed
for SGBs I, however, found the content and layout
difficult and it is questionable whether the parents
whom I had interviewed would have the time or
capability of accessing the information.
The
school community
Despite
South Africas wealth relative to its
neighbours, the legacy of apartheid continues to be
felt. The country has one of the highest income
inequalities in the world with large numbers of
people living below the poverty date line. For
example, the South African education system operates
in a society in which 18 million people (about 45,7%
of the total population) live in poverty (Hartshorne
1999). Moreover, unemployment in the country
continues to stand at a high of 33 percent (Motala
& Mungadi 1999). Parent involvement in such
communities is often difficult as many parents and
caregivers are struggling to survive and have little
or no energy left for social obligations. Parents
with financial problems whom I interviewed admitted
to not attending school meetings as these often
revolved around the non-payment of school fees.
Another
problem which besets parents in the previously
disadvantaged communities in South Africa is the high
level of illiteracy with an estimated 37 percent of
the population of the country being unable to read or
write (Shindler & Bot 1999). This obviously
impacts on the role parents are able to play in
decision making. It also affects the relationship
between the school and its teachers and the
community. In interviews with teachers, many
expressed the view that illiterate parents with
little or no experience of schooling had little to
contribute to school governance and the education of
their children. As one teacher explained: "...it
seems most of our parents think they are not
educated....they thus run away from teachers, and
that brings the problem."
Lack
of training of governing bodies
Although
extensive changes in education have been proposed
since 1994, there have been difficulties in providing
sufficient government finance to implement the
policies. What makes the situation even worse is that
broad policy is determined by the national Department
of Education, while the provincial departments are
responsible for the implementation of policies (Vally
& Spreen 1998). Most provincial departments lack
the resources to do so. In addition, the economic
potential of the various provinces differs
considerably. For example, 69,3% of the inhabitants
of the Northern Province live in poverty, in contrast
with the Western province (17,9%) and Gauteng (21,1%)
(Hartshorne 1999). Thus, most provinces cannot afford
to provide adequate training for school governing
body members. This could frustrate the aim of
instituting governing bodies as it is unlikely that
governing body members can participate fully in
decision making and make informed judgements without
adequate training.
Although
some provinces have contracted universities and Non
Governmental Organisations (NGOs) to develop training
manuals and provide workshops for governing body
members, most interviewees reported that little or no
training has taken place. Consequently many governing
bodies are ill prepared for the complexities of their
tasks. In this regard, one of the principals
interviewed said that although the SGB took
decisions, they were not trained to do so and that
this diminished the role they should be playing.
The only
training mentioned during an interview
was an information session on the South African
Schools Act. However, most members had not
received notice of the session which indicated poor
organisation or poor communication on the part of the
organisers. Although the new Minister of Education
has reiterated the need to support governing bodies
(Department of Education 1999), no indication has
been given as to how this should be done.
The
leadership role and style of the school principal
The
establishment of democratically elected governing
bodies has changed the political structure of schools
and the nature of decision making (Squelch 2000).
However, in practice, principals are often reluctant
to relinquish or even share their power and
authority. Moreover, school governing bodies often
"delegate authority back to the principal",
thus preserving the status quo (Lindle 1996). This
appears to be common in many schools situated in
previously disadvantaged communities, particularly
where the principal has made no attempt to empower
the SGB. In this regard teachers interviewed said
that SGB members were unsure of their tasks and
seldom took the initiative, rather relying on
instructions from the principal.
Because
leadership plays a pivotal role in nurturing any kind
of change the principal, as the key leader in a
school, should be able to plan, organise, motivate
and direct people towards achieving genuine
transformation and school improvement. This is not
always the case. Chisholm and Vally (1996) contend
that the role of many principals in South Africa
corresponds with that of former African education,
where the primary purpose was to control. Managerial
styles encouraged under the old system were
authoritarian, hierarchical and top-down. These are
the qualities many principals still demonstrate.
Thus, in many cases principals require instruction in
new approaches to human resource management, school
planning and administration which are more conducive
to democratic management and governance.
Lack
of partnership between the school and the home
Shield
and Knapp (1997) suggest that school improvement is
more likely to happen when a collaborative
professional culture is developed. In practice,
however, teachers and parents have different
perceptions of the roles each should be playing. In
one school visited school governing bodies saw their
task as supporting the principal in his/her quest to
improve the education offered to learners in the
school. The teachers, on the other hand, were opposed
to the presence of SGB members in the school during
the school day and interpreted this as witch
hunting and felt that SGB members are
"gunning for some teachers". One teacher
added that it was inconceivable that
"illiterates" should be telling teachers
what to do. A principal agreed adding that involving
parents in decision making could lead to problems. He
explained that parents get "information from
somewhere" which is often incorrect and that
they then cause conflict within the school. Likewise,
another principal felt that the composition of
governing bodies should be changed so that parents
are not in the majority. He maintained that teachers
as "enlightened professional people who know
about children" should not be placed in a
position where they can be outvoted by parents. This
lack of trust between teachers and parents, was
repeated in many interviews and greatly hampers the
establishment of a partnership between the home and
the school. In this regard Motala and Mungadi (1999)
argue that school governance was introduced with
insufficient school-level preparation and that, in
the opinion of many teachers, this change appeared as
a top-down state instruction.
Access
to information and resources
Governing
body members need ready access to knowledgeable and
reliable sources. In an environment of intense policy
development, school principals and education
departments should ensure that relevant information
is collected and disseminated so that people are kept
up to date with developments and issues and are in a
better position to make informed decisions (Squelch
2000). In practice, this does not always happen.
Taylor, Diphofa, Waghmarae, Vinjevold and Sedibe
(1999) found the distribution rate of policy
documents to teaching staff and members of governing
bodies is 19%, whereas the distribution rate to
schools is 47%. Overall, only one in five documents
reached its intended target. In schools I visited,
both parents and teachers complained that policy
documents and other directives from the department
are kept in the principals office and as such
are not easily available. Moreover, all complained
that the documents are very difficult to understand
and that the departments of education seldom assist
them in the interpretation thereof.
Diverse
and inaccessible school communities
The
South African Schools Act and its provision for
school governing bodies is built on the idea of a
neighbourhood or community
school. This, however, is fast disappearing. Parents
are exercising their right to choose a school outside
their neighbourhood and the phenomenon of migration
is widespread throughout the system (Motala, Vally
& Modiba 1999). This tendency is not restricted
to middle-class parents. Many black working class
parents living in townships (ghettos)
sacrifice much to enrol their children in
better-resourced schools. This led to many suburban
schools in previously white communities
admitting children belonging to diverse ethnic
groups. Ideally the SGB should include parents from
all ethnic groups represented in the school. This
does not always happen. Many of these schools are
situated far from townships, making parent
participation in school governance difficult or
impossible (Motala et al 1999). This is,
unfortunately often interpreted by the principal and
teachers as a lack of interest in the school on the
part of these ethnic groups. Moreover, as society
becomes more fragmented along lines of class, colour,
gender, et cetera, the challenge of including all
members of the school community in decision making,
becomes even greater.
Concluding
Remarks
Samoff
(1999) contends that experience with decentralisation in
education in Africa has been mixed, often disappointing
and that the expected benefits, such as improved
administration, increased efficiency, reduced
bureaucracy, and enhanced democratic participation and
empowerment have proved illusory. However, one can argue
that this is not necessarily because new education
policies are poor, but rather because cognisance is not
always taken of the complexities and uniqueness of
individual schools and communities. Moreover, it should
be kept in mind that for policy to have a chance of
success, sufficient people must be persuaded that it is
right, necessary and implementable. Almost any education
policy will fail if it does not have the support of two
essential constituencies: those who are expected to
benefit from it and those who are expected to implement
it. This means that both parents and teachers need to be
convinced that a partnership between the school and the
home will benefit all concerned, particularly the
learner.
Dr
Noleen Van Wyk
University of South Africa
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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K 1999. The making of education policy in South
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